Abstract:
The two essays in this study1 are part of a larger work on coping with rural
poverty which I hope to complete in the near future. The dearth of material in
Ethiopia on rural poverty in general, and peasants’ responses to it in particular
was one reason I was first drawn to the subject. In the course of my
investigations, however, I came to realize that coping with poverty is far more
complex than just "making ends meet". True, the response to poverty is the stuff
of everyday struggles for existence and viability, nevertheless, the economic
struggle to make ends meet employs such a wide variety of social and cultural
idioms, and is such an important element of human and social relationships that
to separate the economic from the social, cultural or "ideological" is quite
difficult. Coping with poverty draws on both the natural and socio-cultural
resources of the community as well as on individual peasant initiative. It may
be said that the history of rural Ethiopia is, at least in good part, the history of
the struggle of peasants against poverty and vulnerability, and the legacy of this
history is evidenced in the social and value systems of rural communities today.
Coping with poverty, like coping with calamity, thus offers us greater insights
into the workings of peasant society, and reveals to us in sharper relief the
dynamics of social relationships, community values and human loyalties.
Rural poverty and the dynamic responses to it are important in our particular
case for reasons having to do with policy choices and reform management The
subject is however too involved for us to deal with here, but the critical problem
that has enfeebled reform measures and distorted government policies for the
last half century in this country lies in the perception of state authorities and
policy executors regarding peasants and their endeavours. All too often, the
image of the peasant that emerges from policy documents, official
pronouncements, and even academic research is very negative, and on
occasions down-right insulting. Peasants are believed to be ignorant, backward,
lacking in initiative, and often given to indolence. It is hoped that this study will
help put to rest unfounded perceptions such as these, and help counter the heavy
urban bias and petty bourgeois prejudices that so frequently inform government
attitudes and even ‘public’ opinion about rural producers, their day to day
struggles and their value systems.
The material for this study was collected in Bolosso woreda, Wollaita
awraja2, southern Ethiopia in the period 1989-1990. Both Bolosso and Wollaita
are in the heart of what is known as the ensete culture complex which is the
dominant agro-ecology in central and south-central Ethiopia, and which
involves some 6 million people. A detailed description of my field research method is given in Annex 1, Essay 1. This is a micro-level study, and while I
recognize its limitations I believe the conclusions 1 have drawn have wider
implications. In particular, peasants in the ensete zone are faced in the main
with similar problems and weighed down with similar burdens, hence
micro-level studies of this kind are useful as comparative tools. The central
arguments briefly sketched here have not been fully teased out due mainly to
the pressure of time and the shortage of funds. However, I hope to debate the
issues and analyze my findings soon, and in the meantime I present this short
study for discussion and criticism.